Sdrja Popovic
Transcript
My name is Srja Popovic. When I was around 18 years old, there was a bad guy called Slobodan Milosevic coming in power in Serbia. The group of students, mostly coming from urban rock environment, came to the crazy idea where the politicians fail and international community fail, we will stop him. And amazingly it worked. In 1998 we formed a movement called Resistance. Resistance is the correct French term, I assume. Otpor is the Serbian word for it. We built an organization starting from 11 people to 70,000 people. And we made a larger turnout of young people on the Serbian elections in history. We ended up with a guy in 2000, happily. He died convicted for war crimes in Hague. After that, I've spent several years in the government and the parliament. That were not the most interesting years of my life, I must admit. But people make mistakes. And 2003, we started getting invitations from weird places. The people from places like Belarus, Zimbabwe, start talking to us and say, oh, you guys have done it great. Can you teach us how to do it? And then we started meeting with these people and arranging small workshops. And then... The Orange Revolution in Ukraine happened with some people we trained, and then the Roses Revolution in Georgia. And this is where we figured out that maybe, just maybe, this is not a hobby. It can be something we are doing for a living. Since then, I'm running the organization called Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies, or CANVAS, which does workshops for activists, lectures on universities, and producing tools for people who are interested in how to change things. Which is when we come to my book, Blueprint for Revolution. There is a colleague of yours who read it, and then he starts spreading it as a virus. Next thing I know, I'm speaking to the bunch of people from companies. You don't know why I'm here. I don't know why I'm here. Sounds perfect.
Okay, so I will try to talk a little bit about the phenomenon of nonviolent movement and social change. And then at some point you will interrupt me and tell me that it has no sense in your context. So we'll try to put it into some sense for your context. From what I understood briefly from a great dinner we had yesterday, you're the bunch of guys who are into transforming the culture of the companies and you want to see what's there for you in this little toolbox of ours. I will start by from completely another world. This is basically if you turn your TV screens, you see people screaming in thousands in the streets of Venezuela, screaming in thousands in the streets of Zimbabwe. But you also see these movements mushrooming in the places that we were considering. being stable democracies. Places like Romania or United States of America. So what is happening and what is the nature of this movement, what's behind this movement, what is happening in the big world arena where people are struggling for human rights and democracy and how this matters to you. First of all, When we started this thing in early 2000s, this idea of nonviolent resistance can be taught, it was a kind of exotic science. And there are several academics and a bunch of activists, but it was not before the Arab Spring when it became the world mainstream. And everybody started talking about the people power movements. What is this thing? And of course, Looking at the 2011, it was a great year. Ben Ali of Tunisia was down, Mubarak was down, Gaddafi, Saleh of Yemen, Assad was challenged, and that was on the top of it the same year we delivered Mladic to Hague. And people were super enthusiastic. And fast as they are, the media were saying, oh, this is the bad year for bad guys. We have this internet now. The world will be democracy in five years.
After an each good party, as you all know, here comes the big hangover.
The world has not become the better place. In fact, we are looking at a decade where democracy and human rights are on the backslide, and crazy extreme guys from all kinds are taking... the stage. Why so? Yes, the groups are learning how to organize, but the bad guys are learning as well. There is an amazing book on this called Dictators Learning Curve, actually showing how the people who are fighting to maintain status quo are now putting more resources in education. In Russia, if you're studying the state university, you will have a mandatory course in how to prevent a color revolution. We are looking at the hundreds of thousands of dollars invested into the troll factories. So if you're fighting for change in Russia, there will be an army of people spitting on you over internet. They are paid by the state to do this. And for God's sake, with the social networks, we now see the autocrats can hack elections in democracies or influence them tremendously. So the world is a big arena and the bad news is that we are not winning. We need to figure out what is happening, we need to take the lessons out of it, and we need to see how we can spread these ideas around the people who are fighting for change. Part of this is, of course, the fact that a lot of the bad guys are using democratic institutions to get to power and then hack the democratic institutions. The Prime Minister of Hungary, Orban, was won by the popular majority. Now he's owning the courts, the media. And he brought a media law which enables him to rule with a two-third majority with only 40% of the vote. We have another example across the world. I've been visiting Poland. We have a real crazy right-wing Nazi in power that are squeezing every kind of initiative. And, you know, it's like they are bringing the crazy abortion laws and this and this. But say, we are elected. This is our right to do so. We are going to stuff the courts with the people we believe strongly. I've been to Asia three or four weeks ago. The large part of our work is in Southeast Asia. Once the democratic lighthouse of Asia, Philippines, are run by the crazy person who killed 4,000 people in what he supposedly called the drug war. World is not becoming more free. World is not becoming more democratic. So what can we do about it? When we start doing this thing, what happens is that you are taking a bunch of people from a place like Syria, you meet with them in a safe place. Of course, we can't travel to Syria, we would survive 17 seconds there. And the first thing you normally hear is what probably you face when you go to companies and try to create this agility movement. The sentence, which is also the...
Most common sentence I've ever heard is, this will never happen here.
The first chapter of my book is, this will never happen here. If I was given one euro for every time I've heard this, I would probably own a big house. Now, why so? Yes, every struggle is different. The battlefield is different. The mentality is different. The players are different. The religion is different. The customs is different. But there are universal principles that connect successful nonviolent movements. And this is the first thing which may relate to what you try to achieve. And there is a holy trinity of things. That when you take a look at them, if they're existent, you may be looking at a successful change. If they don't exist, if one component is missing, you're going to lose. And these are unity, planning, and nonviolent discipline. There is a general in the audience. He's going to tell you that the same principles, unity, planning, and discipline, are applying to any successful military operation. Now unity. Amazing things. In Serbia, it was fun fighting Milosevic and his oppressive police. What was not fun and what was the most complicated part of the job was making 19 opposition parties running behind one presidential candidate. All these crazy chieftains with no Indians, but big egos.
It was the unity among the different castes, a long line of these castes. India has been separated for thousands of years. That was the most problematic part of the Gandhi's campaign. It was not kicking out. the British colonial superpower, it was uniting Indians.
In many cases, it's a religious unit. In your case, it can be the unity among the people who earn more and earn less, among the people who are passionate more or passionate less. You need to find a way to build this unity because without the unity, there will be no change. The second part is planning.
Every time something big happens in the world, you see a very excited TV anchor standing in front of the million of people saying, oh, this is exciting, what a spontaneous uprising. That means that the TV anchor hasn't done the homework. There are only two types of movements in this world. They are either spontaneous or successful.
There is no such thing as spontaneous and successful nonviolent movement. You need to have a vision. You need to plan strategy. You need to plan tactics. You need a plan B. For almost every single thing should be meticulously planning. The large part of our workshop and courses is really turning your thoughts and your ideas and your enthusiasm into a tangible list of small things you can do at the end of the day. So looking at deliverables rather than looking at the big ideas. That's less sexy than talking about the big ideas, but that's a very important part of job. Last but not the least importance, it's nonviolent discipline. We have 100,000 people peacefully demonstrating. in front of the Bastille, and then you have three drunk idiots or agent provocateurs start throwing stones or burning cars.
Guess who gets the cover page of Le Monde? These three guys.
Nonviolent discipline is a skill, and skills can be taught and learned. It's not more complicated than driving the car. Very important part of this is how you impose this discipline in whatever you are doing. Last but not the least importance, you need to play Harry Potter a little bit. And there are several people asking me in the corridor how this differs from Sololinsky. Sololinsky is an amazing guy who wrote a book, which is the leftist Bible, in most of the countries of the West, called Rules for Radicals. It's an amazing book. And you should read it even if you are not a radical. I certainly am not. Alinsky outlines the phenomenon of anger. If people are uncontent, if they are angry, they are easy to move. But anger without hope is a destructive force. So you need anger, but you also need the answer, what's the change you want to achieve? So the moment you see the line in the newspaper saying anti-Trump movement in US done this or that, You know that they are wrong. You will never win by being anti. You need to be pro something. And you need to very carefully look at what this thing is. is because what your vision of tomorrow should do, it should contain a little bit for everybody you want to recruit. Not too many people would be activists per se. People will sacrifice and participate only in the thing which they find personally important. So the key job for a movement strategist is listening. What is this thing that will draw your constituency towards your side? Second part of it is to understand that However large or small, the movements are operating like the stairs. You start from the bottom, you plan a small victory, you rise one stair, second stair, third stair. So what are these little success points? Because it is the success points that build authority and credibility of the organization. It is also success points that draw people towards you. Nothing succeeds better than success. So if you are successful, it's very likely the people will join. It also relates to another military lesson coming from Sun Tzu, who says, pick the battles you can win.
So look at what you can change and then use this change as a leverage point for the next step. We are looking at the crazy situations across the world and democracy is now in several places challenged. You can have the worst conditions in the world or the best conditions for change. You want to look at Venezuela. You want to look at Zimbabwe? Amazing. This is what a bad government can do to the relatively prosperous country. Venezuela has 11,000 hyperinflation rate percentage a week now.
This is the country with the largest oil reserves in the world. They can't buy the damn toilet paper in the shop. Still, they're ineffective. For years they are fighting for change, but there is no unity among the opposition. There is no clear vision on how the things will do. It stays limited to the big cities. I mean, there is like 15 reasons why this is not successful. So start thinking when you're looking at every new battlefield, every new company you want to tackle, You want to look at Zimbabwe? Amazing. This is what a bad government can do to the relatively prosperous country. Venezuela has 11,000 hyperinflation rate percentage a week now.
This is the country with the largest oil reserves in the world. They can't buy the damn toilet paper in the shop. Still, they're ineffective. For years they are fighting for change, but there is no unity among the opposition, there is no clear vision on how the things will do, it stays limited to the big cities. I mean, there is like 15 reasons why this is not successful. So start thinking when you're looking at every new battlefield, every new company you want to tackle, Conditions are important, but the skills you bring into the battlefield are more important than the conditions. If you have a skilled group of people, you can mobilize millions, even in places like Egypt.
Across the Eastern Europe, we are looking about what is really, really changing and the countries which we are considering to be democracies, the places like Romania, the people are easily mobilized around the corruption. Normally looked from the point of above, even if you are Serb, not to mention if you are French, Romanians seem to be pretty successful in mobilizing people. This is the only country in the world which prosecuted 2,000 public officials, including three sitting prime ministers, for political corruption. Now they have a government that tried to steal this from them. Why they're so easily mobilized? Because this is trying to steal the favorite Star Wars character for my three-year-old son. This is something they're very proud of. So when you're looking at the mobilizing point for your movement, you want to find the thing that people feel strongly about. This thing may easily be the ignition point for you to build numbers. And this is something we are learning in Poland. What happened in Poland? They have a right, like their version of Marine Le Pen in power. These guys are super nasty, but seems that people there are defending democracy. Somebody likes to stop the courts with their people. Okay, EU protests, nobody gives a shit. But what happens is that people are mobilizing in order to defend these pillars of democracy. Why so? Because they want these pillars the hard way. They need to kick one million Soviet troops in order to get these institutions. And they are perfectly aware that no institutions in the world will hold on if the people abandon it. So yes, you may have elections, the parliament, and this and that, but if people are not participating, it can be easily hijacked.
I teach in the United States a lot, and I'm there like four or five times every year, prestigious places like NYU or Harvard, crazy little places lost in corn like Greenell. And what is happening? We have a mushrooming effect of Donald Trump. For now on, There are large numbers. There is absolutely no vision. There is a lack of communication. There is a lot of enthusiasm. Are we talking about the movement? How do we leverage this thing? Is there a joint vision of how society should work? Or we are looking at a pendulum where a liberal will, the next person will be the LGBT black president. And then we go back to the white racist and so on and so on. So it's like a... What's really happening is that you need to understand that numbers in nonviolent struggle are never on the fringe.
No randomly selected group of people, not to mention a company or a nation. consists of the people who are super this or super that. You want to find a way to bridge these gaps. And you want to find a way to build from the middle. Because it is the mainstream of the group where majority of the numbers is. And this is why we start our workshops with something called Mapping the battleground. What are the constituencies you want to mobilize? And where are the numbers? Because the way you win in the nonviolent struggle is by obtaining numbers. Large numbers are never super liberal or super conservative. Large numbers are never super religious or super atheistic. Large numbers are somewhere in the middle. You need to define the middle. And you want to win the middle. And when you are winning the middle, it's more or less like in any sport. You need to control the middle field. Basketball, football, and you also need to take the offense. You will never win by staying on defensive position. So you want to look at a very well-organized model in the U.S., and that relates to what you guys are trying to do. It's called Indivisible. This is a kind of a tea party from the left this time, but the way it's organized may be very appealing to what you're trying to do with agility. They have a manual and they give the manual to local organizations. This is how you press your Congress. This is how you press your senator. This is how you push the thing through the governor. One, two, three, four, five. And then the people decide what matters to them. So they have the toolbox. But they decide about the content of the change. And I think this is the reason why this is the fastest growing organization now in the U.S. It has around 2.5 thousand branches. There is no central coordination at all. The people are very passionate about the health care in one place. They're very passionate about the racial issue in another place. They're super passionate about the environment in the third place. But they're using the same toolbox to defend the democratic institutions, e.g. To sway the pillars of support. When you're looking at the strategy for change, the first thing is to understand that change depends on the pillars, and these pillars are institutions. So which institutions we want to target first? Which institutions are the low-hanging fruits? How do we build numbers from swaying these institutions, and how do we build authority in working on this? In the future.
It is very difficult to play this game in a contemporary world. Why so? If you have some time on your hand, go to the bookstore and buy a book called Everything is Possible and Nothing is Real by a great guy called Peter Pomerantsev. Peter used to be a reality TV journalist in Russia. This is where the reality politics has been invented. We are living the reality politics. If somebody of you have followed American presidential race, it was looking like the reality show. Who wins the reality show? Reality star. You can't really win against Kim Kardashian in a reality show. You understand that? So when it gets personal, when it gets hitting under the table, when the only thing in a political or social debate becomes personalized and reality TV type of things, you lose. In order to defend the values, we need to reinvent these values. What are human rights? What is democracy? What is equality? What is tolerance? These are not just the words. And this is not about the identity politics. It's whether or not you really live through these principles. Very similarly, you will find yourself in a battlefield where a lot of people are loud. But being loud is not a key. Sticking to the values and the vision is the key. Wherever you see the successful change, there was a vision of tomorrow first. In Serbia, we decided to build around three goals. It was not anti-Milosevic movement. Removing Milosevic was part of the job.
It was having Serbia on the track to European Union. It was having peace with neighbors. And that was really a bold idea in the 90s. You remember this where we won five wars? Well, Milosevic said we won.
But this is where we were in a bloody war with every single neighbor we have plus NATO on the top of it. And it was the idea that we need freedoms. And we started with the idea we need freedoms, but that could mobilize only a small portion of society. And then we were looking at what can mobilize more people. So we were looking at the European rules. Amazingly, the businesses swayed on our side. We were looking on the peace with neighbors. Amazingly, military and refugees swayed on our side. So when you're looking at your vision of tomorrow, you need to find the things that are personally important for the constituencies you need to mobilize. And this is what we are talking about when we are mentioning vision. After vision, the next step is strategy. What is the strategy? What are the institutions that need to be changed in order to destroy status quo?
We were looking at the students and professors, easy to mobilize. Looking at the public workers, easy to mobilize. We were looking at the church, difficult to move, always in bed with the regime.
You need to make an analysis of the institutions, and then you need to make an order of battle. Which pillar are you trying to sway first? And there are many movements which were cleverly using this thing. And very often you will need to make the strange coalitions. If you look at the Solidarity Movement in Poland, Who brought down the Soviet Union? Blue-collar workers, urban intelligentsia, and Roman Catholic Church. Not necessarily the people you will expect to see over the wine across the street. So sometimes you need to define and cooperate and find the smallest common denominator with the groups that you are not usually talking to.
This is where the strategy comes in, and this is where building unity is really complicated. And then the tactics come. Tactics are the most interesting part of every nonviolent movement. I enjoy teaching tactics. But people very often get involved in tactics and get very heated up with tactics, and they demonstrate all day, and they're too busy to plan the strategy. And they don't even think about why certain tactics are successful. If you look at one of the most popular tactics in the history, It's called Montgomery bus boycott. And everybody will tell you a story how the brave woman Rosa Parks in a segregated bus in Southern American state decided not to stand when the white person came in. That's bullshit. Nobody asked the question why Montgomery and why buses. It was a strategic understanding of the situation. Racial segregation was imposed by white mayors and white governors. Protesting in front of their offices for black people wouldn't mean anything because they were elected by the white majority. So instead of targeting politicians, Civil rights movement decided to target business. And they were looking at the specifically businesses where majority of revenue is coming from the black people. Once again, Sun Tzu.
You put your strong points against your... Your opponent's weak points. And why Montgomery? If the black people were boycotting buses in New York, nobody would mention. But in Montgomery, it was the majority of the people driving in the buses who were black. And they were targeting the malls where the black people were shopping. So they ended up the segregation by targeting the businesses. The businesses start losing the money. The businesses went to politicians whose very campaigns they were financing and say, please end up this crap. We are losing money. This is where we're talking about a strategy. Boycott is a tactic, but there is a strategic understanding of the pillar. In this case, white business in public transportation, which comes before you pick the tactic that you are using. And of course, you want to look at the cost-benefit analysis of the tactic. And of course, you want to jump over this idiotic prejudice that somehow nonviolent movements are about the hundreds of thousands of people in the street. Because this is only the part, this is one of 200 available tactics. And we're going to look at it from the point of cost.
What is the cost of 10,000 people listening to the speaker for two hours? 20,000 working hours. How many doors you can knock with 20,000 working hours? Is there anything else that you can do with a similar investment in social change? Or something bigger you can do? Or something less risky? And of course, last but not of least importance, creativity and humor.
We are looking at a word that we coined throughout the 12 years, which is called loftivism. Humor and cool factor are playing the more important role in social movements than they played ever. Like everything else, we didn't learn it from the book. We came out with the idea that maybe we should put Milosevic's face on a petrol barrel, So you can put a little coin in, you get a big baseball bat, and boom, you can express your love for Mr. President. And we put it in a Serbian version of Shanzelize, the shopping district. And the people were standing in the line to do this. And everybody had fun, but that was not the funny part. The funny part was when police arrived. What in the world they are going to do? Arrest us, we are nowhere to be seen. Arrest downtown shoppers and charge them with what? But they couldn't leave the barrel standing. Because if they did, There will be barrels mushrooming in the towns of Serbia. People tend to replicate things which are funny and they can get away with it. So they did the most stupid thing, they arrested the barrel.
Similarly, 2012, there were elections that Putin will win anyhow, but then his people were very enthusiastic, so they were stuffing ballot boxes, and in some cases they got over 100% of the vote. So the people start protesting in the small places. They couldn't protest, so they came out with the tactic of toy protest. In a small city of Barnaul, Siberia, the people built a legal town. They brought their toys. The toys were holding transparent, saying, free and fair elections. Stop with the corruption. 137% for Putin. And there is an actual footage of this, which you can find on the Internet. Day one, everybody was having fun. You can see police officers taping this thing and sharing it on Facebook. Well, Yandex, the Russian version of Facebook. What happens next is that the moment that it became viral, somebody gets a red notice in Kremlin and say, this is dangerous, we need to stop this. So the phone ring. To the chief of police in Barnaul, the poor soul needs to stand in front of the cameras and do probably the most stupid sentence in the history of the police force, quoting that protest of 100 Kinder soldiers, 50 Lego toys and 30 toy cars is banned.
Because the toys are not citizens of Russia. And by constitution, only citizens of Russia can protest. They're probably made in China.
The geniosity of these type of dilemma actions is that they are putting your opponent between the rock and the hard place. If he reacts, he will look stupid. If he doesn't, he will look weak.
So think about this when you are placing your tactics. Sometimes you can use this as a jiu-jitsu, which is the martial art where you're using your open and force to work against you. And always make sure that you have somebody funny in a creative team. Because the toys are not citizens of Russia. And by constitution, only citizens of Russia can protest. They're probably made in China.
The geniosity of these type of dilemma actions is that they are putting your opponent between the rock and the hard place. If he reacts, he will look stupid. If he doesn't, he will look weak.
So think about this when you are placing your tactics. Sometimes you can use this as a jiu-jitsu, which is the martial art where you're using your open and force to work against you. And always make sure that you have somebody funny in a creative team.
It also works with this new alt-right craziness that we are seeing across the world. In Finland, there is a group which specifically hate immigrants. They are called the soldiers of Odin, their supreme god. They would appear in black uniforms like every crazy neo-Nazi everywhere in the world. They would march between the... Immigrants'neighborhoods and the neighborhoods populated with the good white Finnish people.
Well, one day they were accompanied with the lodlers of Odin or clowns of Odin. So for every big Nazi in a black uniform, there was a clown. Now what they will do? Their message is tainted, they have been mocked, they have became the punchline for the city. Sometimes humor works better than the large numbers. Think about it, because it's the very nature of it. First, humor breaks fear and apathy. It is the human thing. If you need to go to the dentist, the last thing you want to hear is how the intervention is going to happen. It will scare the shit out of it. But if you're a friend or dentist, clever dentist will always crack a joke to make you relaxed. Second, humor and creativity bring the cool factor. People love things that are cool. And start thinking in your normal life, take your phone and say, who is the most... lovable person to be around with. The richest one, the brightest one, or the one who can always make you laugh. So you want this cool factor. Last but not the least importance, when you're challenging power with the creativity and humor, a lot of these people don't know how to cope it. Being in the position of power puts you in an odd place where you're seeing your face in the newspaper and billboards every day. So you start believing this picture, this image of yourself. So when you're mocked, you don't know how to deal with it. Last but not least importance, there is a bunch of IT guys there. The IT plays a great role in nonviolent struggle. This is, by the way, the photo of the first world holographic protest. Happened in Spain two years ago when the parliament wanted to introduce the gag law, which means the people cannot assemble in front of the parliament. What they did, they did the real demonstrations where it's allowed. They taped the real demonstrations and they projected the real demonstrations in a form of holograph in front of the Spanish parliament. New media have brought three amazing things to the world of nonviolent movement organizing. First of all, they make bringing people together faster, cheaper, and safer. Ten years ago, you need to spread leaflets, put posters, radio commercials, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, get arrested. To get 10,000 people in one place. You make a Facebook group and everybody knows. Second, which is very dear to my heart, the new media made almost impossible for corruption and human rights abuse to get unnoticed. Because everywhere you see a non-violent action, you see 10 people are taping it. So whatever happened will become public. Last but not the least importance, what I'm really interested in and what the person before me was talking about on the stage, you can teach online. We just ended the Harvard course, which had 40 people from 19 different countries. And they didn't need to move the ass from the armchair. They learn in an online classroom. We are working on PDF books in Nonviolent Struggle for Dummies. If you're lazy to read my book, you can go to our website and find 10 short animated videos which explain the concepts from the book.
Subtitled in many languages, French included. That's for Francophone Africa, not for people here. Some of the people here speak English.
But also every sword comes with two blades.
First betting about the technology and the non-violent organizing is called clicktivism. How many polar bears have you saved this week by clicking like on Facebook?
Too many. Only because it's so easy to participate, people think that number of likes and shares has an impact in the real world. No, it doesn't. If you take a look at the polls on the social media in Serbia, you will think that liberals would win millions of votes. In practice, they got 5%.
If you really want to help polar bears, turn your damn computer off. Because this is how you're going to save a little bit of the energy, which is going to decrease the climate change a little bit.
So these struggles are won in the real world, and a lot of this energy is now wasted on social networks like Twitter.
Second, the bad guys are learning.
Kim Jong-un can hack Sony.
Okay? Welcome to the new world. They are investing into understanding how to use the digital technologies. Elections can be hacked. Banks can be hacked. Trolls can chase you till the end of the world. And this is the realism. Every weapon can be used by any. side. Last but not the least importance, only because it's so easy to assemble a lot of people in one place via social media, last five or six years we are witnessing a phenomenon which doesn't have the scientific name, but I like to call it occupiism.
You had Occupy Wall Street, Block Occupy Frankfurt, Occupy Downtown Central in Hong Kong.
People start their movements with large gatherings. This is the last thing you want to do. You want to use the tactics of concentration for the end. You want to start with small, low-risk building stuff. Because what happens if you get 10,000 angry people and there is no organization to cope with it, they're likely to start burning buildings. This is not what you want.
Achieving large numbers, which happen very often for the social media, too early in the process is very harmful to the strategy of the social movement. Now, we are trying to do our share on the technology as well. My organization is working on an app. I would be super happy, like, Any of you have some spare time on your hand can test the app. It's called Whistler. It is the combination of safe communication, reporting on human rights abuse, and corruption, and harassment, and things that your friends can meet in their companies. It has one unique feature. The content comes with metadata, so it's verifiable. But the uploader is anonymous, which is exactly what you need for effective reporting and whistleblowing. It also comes with a great feature called panic button. If you hit it, your friends will know you're in trouble. You will be geotagged so we can find you. Whatever happens to you, 80% of the torture doesn't happen in the police stations. It happens in undisclosed locations. Last but not least importance, it erases some but not all of the data from your phone. So it doesn't look suspicious. Like my son's picture from this morning would be there. But like your phone number won't be there if I decide about it. I would be super happy talking to you about this. I'll be super happy if some of you should be my beta testers for this as well. It exists already in APK. If you have Android, you can have it on your phone. Then you can send me your thoughts. So I don't know how this relates to your struggle. But look at the battlefield. Look at the terrain. Look at the constituencies you want to mobilize. Look at the vision and find the smallest common denominator to move these people. Select your small victories.
Think big, but start small. Always think about numbers. These coalitions are not normally the coalitions of like-minded people. They're very often coalitions of different people, and they're successful. Find the pillars you want to target. Find the right tactics. Think about the cost and benefit of the tactics. Involve the moment of creativity and put your opponent in a dilemma and keep up with changing the world. Questions?